Iran: US fighter jet downed, War “It’s not a show”, The Space Race, Will Syrians leave Germany?
Abigail Adams
17 April 1799 My dear John,
I sat at the kitchen table this morning, stirring my tea - cold, for the fire ran low - and read the broadsheet with hands that trembled not from fear, but from the familiar, maddening rhythm of power speaking in one register while the household lives in another. You will tell me the President has declared war “not a show” - as though declaring it so makes it so. But declarations, like firewood, must warm the hearth or they are mere fuel consumed in vain.
They speak of fighter jets and space races and strategic posturing, as if the sky were a battlefield without consequence to the soil below. I have heard the same language in ’76 - men speaking of liberty while their neighbors starve, of honor while widows count pennies for bread. The price of wheat has risen again - two shillings a bushel since the last report - and yet no one in the council chamber has asked whether a mother in Boston can now feed her children, or whether a German household, long fled Syria, now wonders whether to pack again, not from bombs, but from the slow hunger of being unseen.
You will say the policy is neutral - toward nations, toward ideals. I say: the consequence is not. The woman who tends the garden, the man who repairs the plough, the refugee who translates for her own children in the dark - they are not in the room where the decision is made, and yet they bear the cost. A war is not measured only in aircraft lost, but in trust lost, in time lost, in the quiet retreat of hope from a child’s eyes.
If this continues - this language of strength without substance, of action without accounting for those who must live with its aftermath - I fear the peace we win will be hollow as a drum, echoing with the silence of those left behind.
Yours, Abigail
Adam Smith
12 June 1776 - Kirkaldy
The reports from across the Atlantic fill me with a strange mixture of dread and cold clarity. A fighter jet downed - not by some ancient tribe in the mountains, but by a modern state with artillery of the mind as well as the fist - and the President speaks as if war were a pantomime, a stage play to be concluded with a flourish, not a moral drama to be endured. He says, “It’s not a show” - yet his every utterance suggests he mistakes the theatre of war for the theatre of reputation. How many of our own countrymen, I wonder, have mistaken ambition for necessity, and war for glory, under the illusion that the public will applaud the curtain call?
I recall the merchant who once came to me, flushed with success, boasting how his new shipping route would “open markets to peace.” Yet in his ledger, every profit was shadowed by a line for insurance against piracy - and the piracy, I soon learned, was not foreign, but homegrown: the very men who built the ships now demanded the wars that justified their profits. So it is now: the war in the Persian Gulf is not merely a clash of regimes, but a contest of institutions - some designed to curb self-interest, others to feed it. The question is not whether men act in self-interest, but whether the institutions through which they act channel that interest toward the public good - or, as is all too often the case, toward its ruin.
The space race, too, is no mere competition of rockets. It is a moral contest: who can build the better machinery of observation, of coordination, of sympathy - for the impartial spectator is not only within us, but among us, in our laws, our schools, our treaties. When the Syrians in Germany wonder whether to return, they are not merely weighing wages or weather, but whether the world sees them as persons worthy of moral recognition - or merely as labor, or leverage.
I fear the day when statesmen cease to ask how an action will affect the sentiments of others, and begin only to ask what it will produce. War is not a show. It is a ledger - every expenditure written in blood and trust. And the impartial spectator, I am convinced, is watching us all.
Averroës (Ibn Rushd)
The news arrives like a stone dropped into still water - ripples of fear spreading outward, each layer carrying a different kind of certainty. The pilot’s jet downed over the Persian Gulf, the President’s address - neither the first nor the last such moment, yet each one demands that we pause and ask: What question is being answered here? The military reports a tactical victory; the President speaks of resolve; the commentators scream of escalation. But these are not the same question. One concerns the means of defense, another the end of policy, and the third the perception of power. To conflate them is not to reason - it is to surrender reason to the heat of the moment.
I recall how Aristotle distinguished praxis (action guided by deliberation) from poiesis (production guided by technique), and how the confusion between them has ruined more states than any enemy’s army. Here, the President speaks as a rhetorician to the masses - images of strength, clarity of resolve, the certainty of “it’s not a show.” But the masses are not the only audience. The diplomat, the jurist, the philosopher must ask: Is this resolution truly in service of peace, or is it merely the appearance of peace, secured through the very force that undermines it? The demonstrative order - the one that follows syllogism and evidence - must ask whether the action taken is necessary, proportional, and likely to produce a stable peace. The dialectical order - theologians and jurists - must ask whether the action is just, and whether it honors the covenant of protection owed to all people under divine law, even enemies.
The space race mentioned in the headlines - how telling. While missiles fly, we chase stars. One is the expression of fear and ambition; the other, of wonder and order. They need not conflict - if the state builds rockets to defend, and philosophers build theories to understand, both are serving truth, so long as neither claims to answer the other’s question.
Let us not mistake the appearance of resolution for its substance. The original text of peace is not written in press releases, but in treaties, in mutual recognition, in the slow work of rebuilding trust. That text has been buried under layers of commentary - of fear, of ideology, of electoral calculation. I return to it. What does it say? That war is the last resort of those who have forgotten how to reason. And that no nation is secure until all are.