The International Olympic Committee has decided to restrict the women's category in Olympic sports to biological females starting in 2028.
Someone is being paid for the administration of sport as if it were a commodity to be allocated by biological criterion alone. What service, precisely, does this payment purchase for the society that provides it? The International Olympic Committee proposes to restrict women’s competition to those it deems “biological females” - a phrase that sounds like a taxonomic certainty but is, in practice, a political instrument deployed to resolve a moral ambiguity by shifting its burden onto individuals. The question is not whether this decision will safeguard fairness, but what kind of fairness it seeks, and at what cost to human dignity.
The IOC’s move is not, in the first instance, an economic arrangement - but it is an economic one in the deeper sense: it allocates access to a social good - recognition, opportunity, legitimacy - on terms that privilege one form of bodily integrity over others, and does so without providing a coherent account of what “biological female” means in practice. Intersex athletes, for instance, have always been caught in this net: their bodies do not conform to the binaries the committee now insists upon, yet their participation has long been policed through invasive testing, disqualifications, and public humiliation. The 2028 policy, if implemented as current drafts suggest, will not end such practices - it will simply make them more systematic, more legally defensible, and more socially acceptable. The function of the rule, then, is not to ensure fair competition but to enforce a particular vision of natural order - one that serves the comfort of the majority more than the integrity of sport.
This is where the functionless wealth test must be applied, not to capital but to authority: what function does the power to define “biological” serve? If the definition serves only to exclude, to draw lines that separate rather than include, then the authority behind it is not functional - it is parasitic. The IOC extracts legitimacy from its role as guardian of Olympic ideals, yet its action here does not produce a more just or more competitive sport; it produces a more rigid hierarchy. It does not reduce advantage - it reassigns it, from those who happen to have been born with certain hormonal or chromosomal configurations to those who have the social and medical resources to conform to shifting standards of acceptability. The real advantage, as ever, lies not in the body but in the institutions that interpret it.
Equality of opportunity, , is a fiction. Opportunity assumes a level playing field; but when the rules of the field are written in advance to exclude certain bodies - bodies that have always been part of the field - then the field itself is rigged. Fairness cannot be reduced to a single metric - testosterone levels, say - without ignoring the complex interplay of physiology, training, opportunity, and socialisation that makes sport what it is: a human practice, not a biological census. The IOC’s policy mistakes a symptom - the perception of advantage - for the disease, and treats the symptom with a scalpel that cuts deeper into the body politic than into the body of the athlete.
What, then, is sport for? If it is for the expression of human excellence - not merely physical, but moral: perseverance, courage, grace under pressure - then its purpose is served not by filtering out certain kinds of excellence, but by creating conditions in which all who wish to strive may do so, with dignity and with recognition. The function of sport is not to reproduce categories, but to transcend them - to show, in the moment of competition, what human beings can do when they are not defined by what they are born with, but by what they choose to become.
The IOC, like any institution entrusted with public trust, must answer the question: what does your authority produce, and for whom? If the answer is not a more inclusive, more humane, more meaningful sport - if the answer is merely the preservation of a certain kind of order, a certain kind of comfort - then the authority is not serving function, but accumulation: the accumulation of certainty at the expense of complexity, of control at the expense of care. And that, in the end, is not sport at all. It is the acquisitive society, dressed in leotards and timing chips, mistaking the means of competition for its end.